Sounds really useful. Is that available to view/download somewhere?
I'll make it available as soon as I can triple-check the references and edit a suitable argument that articulates the conclusion I've reached and shared here.
Just a reminder, as I'm sure you know, their first description was that they saw the devil.
Yes, that is a simple and fair way of putting it.
However, I would argue that this simplification led to most people missing several layers of local rural lore complexity that suggest the presence of more than just old Catholic symbolism.
One of Varginha's notable early 20th-century citizens was a landlord named Zé Gomes.
He commenced his career as a butcher before relocating to an old, secluded slaughterhouse on the outskirts of town. Subsequently, he achieved success and accumulated significant wealth as a rancher. Among his enduring legacies is the Fila Brasileiro, an aggressive mastiff breed employed for jaguar hunting, cattle guarding, and tracking runaway slaves. He expanded his success into real estate, developing streets, constructing residences, and leasing them to laborers working on his land. Around 30% of Varginha's development from village to city is credited to him. This type of steep social climb was unheard of in Brazil, a country founded by inherited wealth and extractivist latifundia. Locally, he is remembered as a stern man, as rich as he was a miser, with a temper capable of storming a tenant's house over an unpaid debt to reclaim what was owed, one way or another.
The rumor that circulated within the community was that Zé Gomes obtained his wealth through the practice of black magic rites. Allegations included animal sacrifices, pacts with the Devil, and even a bottled imp concealed within his basement. Public sentiment was a blend of moral panic and theatrical speculation. Whether or not Zé ever burned incense or muttered a spell was of lesser significance than the community's belief that he did. While he was still alive, locals swore he could summon "little devils": dark skinned, red-eyed, horned creatures... doesn't this remind you of a certain alien case?
To add even more weight to this urban legend, the Varginha's Group of Ufology and Parapsychology (GUPV) once presented an account that occurred in the late 80s or early 90s that also had a striking resemblance to the girl's sighting. Renowned local electrical engineer Malius de Figueiredo shared several laughing tales about a young, aspiring ritualist. While the youngster's experiments were often duds, his persistence was unwavering. He was an occultist who attempted to blend various schools of '
practical magic.' Over the course of many weeks, the group had been treated to some rather curious and often funny episodes involving the occultist and his eventual failures, until he ultimately succeeded.
After relentless dedication to his rituals, he had discovered how to open a portal of some kind. According to him, a host of strange creatures spilled through the passage. He described them as dark, small demons, slender with horns, and bulging crimson eyes. Anthropomorphic, but distinctly not human. Struggling to reverse the process, the ritualist managed to succeed partially, but the knowledge of what he had done and what he saw horrified and haunted him.
The engineer pressed the lad about where he had performed such a rite. The explanation provided was that the invocation required a cloistered wilderness, such as a forest. The most suitable place he could find was the thicket on Zé Gomes's estate, nestled right between the new neighborhoods of Jardim Andere and Santana.
That is the locale of the sighting by the girls, the immediate vicinity, the same patch of land that was Zé Gomes' São Domingos Farm.
In narrative terms, that's a dramatic coincidence. In sociological terms, it is also a textbook case of
priming: people enter an event with a stock of images and metaphors already loaded (such as red eyes, horns, and demons), and those images shape what they notice, how they remember it, and how they recount it later.
Furthermore, the eldest of the three young women who witnessed the "creature" was Kátia (22) - a devout Evangelical Christian. She was the one who assumed that what she saw was the devil. The other women, sisters Liliane(16) and Valquíria(14), were also Christians but weren't so sure and to this day remain hesitant to label "it", stating that the sighting was simply something horrible, terrifying, and inhuman. The sisters would
recreate their meeting in a video, and they state that after their sight, they ran downhill towards their home for about a mile or less, leaving them breathless, and forcing them to a trembling halt. "What did you
see?" Valquíria managed to choke out. It is probable that at this moment, they infected each other's accounts.
Physical fatigue after a day's work in humid, hot conditions and a long walk home under a scorching sun can be exhausting to anyone, possibly leading to dehydration. These conditions, summed with the close emotional ties the women had, the perceived isolation of walking home through a desert part of town, and stress from the threat of a maniac on the loose, increase the susceptibility for a psychological phenomenon like
Folie à deux, or Shared Delusional Disorder. A psychiatric syndrome suggests a delusional belief (and accompanying hallucinations) which is transmitted from one "primary" individual to one or more "secondary" individuals in close association.
When scrutinized, the sighting is best explained as a
sincerely experienced, stress‐induced perceptual episode shaped by environmental fatigue, cultural fears, and expected cognitive biases, potentially amplified by a shared psychogenic reaction among three closely bonded girls. Trained psychologists could validly report that the witnesses
honestly believed they saw something terrifying, without necessarily validating the creature's objective existence. Clinical endorsement of sincerity does
not equate to endorsement of external reality; perception of reality is unreliable and prone to unintentional, subconscious narratives, with psychologists often distinguishing between
"experiential truth" and
"veridical truth."
Where have you found those confessions?
I've had no direct access to the confessions, but they are heavily implied to exist even by those who would rather they did not.
Sources are hyperlinked.
The claims are indirectly supported by Ubirajara Rodrigues, the first and main researcher of the case, in a
December 2023 interview.
Ubirajara stated that he dismissed the credibility of the "
main military witness," acknowledging that all of them, who had served as primary sources for the incident, should not have been accorded the level of reliability he previously attributed to their testimonies in 1996. Furthermore, he also made clear that these witnesses were low-ranking servicemen, implying that they would not have access to the information and narrative of any broad military operation, even less of a secret one.
The recordings are claimed to have been made by Ufologists João Marcelo Rios and Marco Leal.
Marco was a member of the paid crew for Moment of Contact, being credited as an advisor.
João Marcelo is a friend of Marco Leal, both being featured in several of each other's videos on their respective YouTube channels.
JMR has a track record of debunking ufology through evidence, often published on his
Youtube Channel and
his Blog.
JMR and ML tracked the first witness in 2019 and met with him three times from then to 2023, when he unfortunately passed.
The witness was Robson Luiz, a cook in the Varginha Fire Department. The other witness mentioned as having lied, is Moment of Contact's
"Military X" , who in his 1996 testimony, was accompanied by another serviceman who also testified. It is
stated by JMR [2] that Military X (and others) would also retract his statements and confess to being pressured to lie by "a Ufologist".
In 2024, JMR received a copy of the first 1996 cassette tape from Ubirajara and
uploaded an edited version to YouTube. This edited version was labeled PART I, and cut out the voice of interviewer Vitório Pacaccini to avoid legal issues. We were told that the contents of the tape were already widely known to the media, but that is incorrect. Several embellishments and omissions occurred before it reached the wider public, the most notable one being that the whistleblower only heard hearsay about the creature. Several details of the recording's inconsistencies were also never previously reported on, such as Robson being a Kitchen Cook in the Firefighter department who would not participate in field operations, while also not working on the day of the event, and the officer who took him to the site of the capture was on leave during that time, visiting another town.
The recording being made public for the first time caused outrage in Vitório Pacaccini, who uploaded a video on the UFO Magazine official YouTube channel. Pacaccini, Marco Petit, UFO Magazine Editor Tichetti,
published a video condemning the behaviour of both João Marcelo and Ubirajara Rodrigues, citing them -albeit indirectly- as "
those small citizens of Varginha", "
Scoundrels",
"opportunist", among several other diffuse
ad hominem insults. During his repudiation at 12:50, Pacaccini states that he gave counsel and orientation for the whistleblowers to deny all information previously given. "
If any whistleblower feels threatened, simply deny [the previously given account]. This witness [Robson Luiz - the main military witness] denied everything because I gave him this orientation." Pacaccini had boasted since 1996 about the methods he employed to safeguard his sources and collaborators. Lies and denial were not among them. It is strange why Pacaccini would say this at this time, because the PART I video has no mention of Robson confessing or retracting his statements. The entire video is focused on the repudiation of João Marcelo Rios publishing the audio, which Vitório Pacaccini claims authorship, and therefore, it was not JMR's right to publish and he would face legal prosecution for that. According to Brazilian law, the property of the recording belongs to the producer of the phonogram (Pacaccini), unless there is an express license of use. Therefore, uploading the audio without a clear license from the producer is classified as
"Unauthorized Use;
editing, monetizing, or commercially exploiting without authorization". YouTube has mechanisms (Content ID, takedown) that the rights holder can use immediately to block/monetize/remove the content. As of today, the video is still online on JMR's channel.
After viewing the UFOlogists' outrage, JMR pinned his own comment in PART I, where he defended his reasons for publishing it, and stated that PART II would contain the 2019 interview with Robson, and would be published soon. It is
implied in a blog post from 2020, that in this 2019 encounter, Robson was "persuaded by Pacaccini to lie". As of today, PART II has not yet been uploaded. When inquired why, João Marcelo revealed that there were financial reasons not to upload it, and he would state only that.